The Secret of Foreign Cultural Policy

​​You were appointed Federal Foreign Office Commissioner for the Dialogue with the Islamic World in August 2005. What precisely does that mean?

Hans Günter Gnodtke: Essentially I have two functions. The first of these might be described as a "public diplomacy" or "soft power function". In other words, I am doing my best to get a message across to the Islamic world; to let them know that we do not think of them in stereotypical or prejudiced terms and that there are very serious attempts being made to engage with the Islamic world, to show respect in our dealings with this great civilization.

When it comes to debate here in Germany, it's a matter of my trying to tap into and encourage the willingness and effort that is already there and to help channel it into reducing prejudice and stereotype through dialogue with the Islamic world.

You use the term "soft power", which is very much a buzzword at the moment. What exactly does it mean?

Gnodtke: "Soft power" is a concept that is often misunderstood. It is well established in political theory in the United States, however. Professor Joseph Nye at Harvard is the great proponent of this and he has worked out to what extent a country, just by virtue of its prominence, be it culturally, through the media or in the field of science, can influence decisions taken in other countries by developing an appeal which give it the power to attract and persuade.

This is, in essence, the secret of foreign cultural policy. To become sufficiently appealing so that, ultimately, we also succeed in creating a response which will help get our political message across in the countries we want to influence. Of course this goes for the Islamic world too.

Would it be accurate to say that that is the objective of the dialogue with the Islamic world?

Gnodtke: That is most certainly also the objective, though it is not always defined as such. There is no country that spends money on foreign cultural policy, on education or media policy, without hoping that it will succeed in making itself more attractive to the outside world.

Who then are the partners for this dialogue in the Islamic world?

Gnodtke: Our priority in dialogue with the Islamic world lies with civil society. Of course, this does not mean that we ignore the governments. We couldn't do that in any case, in fields such as interregional cooperation (Barcelona is a recent instance), it is the governments who necessarily provide the main contacts. But our attention is mainly directed towards civil society, and in particular towards the youth.

So, apart from the youth, it's also the elite?

Gnodtke: Not only. Were we to concentrate solely on the elite we would be overlooking those in the Islamic world who do not necessarily have any interest in getting involved in dialogue with the West.

One of our aims is to make inroads with those groups who would not otherwise be likely to look for the establishment of such contacts with the West. This is not always so easy, as these links do not forge themselves. We are dependent on the expertise of our cultural institutions: the Goethe Institute, German schools etc., but it is certainly not the case that we are interested only in the elite.

Where, from the German point of view, do you draw the line as far as such contacts are concerned? Do you also talk to more fundamentalist groups such as Hamas?

Gnodtke: When I say that we want to have dialogue with civil society then I am also including political groups. Islamic motivated activists too, as long as they do not make it impossible for us to engage in dialogue with them. There can be no dialogue with those who deny the Holocaust, for example, or who preach the destruction of Israel.

However, it is certainly the case that there are among the Islamic parties some who are genuinely committed to democracy, and there we do have contact.

We are often told that we are witnessing a clash of civilisations. Is that how you see it?

Gnodtke: No, I don't agree with that. The potential for a clash of civilisations is certainly there, but I believe we are still a long way away from that at the present time.

There is currently a very intense debate being carried on within the Islamic world itself on what the right way forward is. Western models are either accepted or rejected and, of course, the West is something of a favourite enemy.

But I don't go along with Huntington's idea of the Clash of Civilisations – of the East-West conflict being replaced by a conflict based around religious faith. I don't believe that we have entered such a phase. For one thing, because the security interests of the Middle East, Europe and North America are so intermeshed that it isn't possible to talk of a global conflict.

The danger should, however, not be discounted. If that's what people want, and if we fail to free ourselves of these stereotypes, that could be the way things will go. Working against that is part of my job.

You mentioned the Arab-Israeli conflict. The question of what Germany's position in all this is must be the most frequently asked question directed at you by the Arab world and one that often contains a hint of accusation. How can it be that Germany takes such a clear stand in support of Israel while at the same time wanting to engage in dialogue with the Islamic world? How do you deal with that?

Gnodtke: Of course there is often an accusatory tone; the accusation of double standards is one that is raised against the West as a whole. There is no sense in evading such questions and no surer way of upsetting people in the Middle East; one must be prepared to answer such questions. We must make the prospects for the future clear. Realistically, the Arab/Israeli conflict is only going to be solved by means of a two-State solution, in the way the Middle East Quartet is attempting to do it. The United States, the European Union and the Arab League are all in full agreement on this.

So, no matter how negative the external circumstances may be, there is no alternative. And the Hamas government will have to accept that. Of course Hamas has the right to be elected, but it must be prepared to be judged in terms of what has been accepted internationally as a condition for the solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Let me be quite clear on this. This is not always accepted, but it is the only foundation upon which we can build Middle East policy.

What do you see as the greatest hurdle you have to overcome?

Gnodtke: I don't see any such hurdles. I believe – and I base this on positive experience – that if one is direct and honest, it doesn't matter whether one is dealing with Muslims or Germans, common ground can very quickly be established – what counts is good common sense.

I have very little time for the idea that there are insurmountable barriers between cultures. That just isn't the case.

Maybe this is partly due to the fact that I went to the German school in Egypt back in the 60's and that 60 percent of my schoolmates were Egyptian. It's my experience that a portion of good common sense and the ability to keep a cool head are usually enough in the search for answers to even the most difficult of questions and the best way to achieve reasonable solutions.

Interview Larissa Bender

© Qantara.de 2006

Translated from the German by Ron Walker

Qantara.de

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