Litmus Test for Democracy

​​Thousands of supporters cheered the former prime minister Sheikh Hasina as she arrived at Dhaka airport. They banged drums and threw rose petals. "This is my country, this is my home," said Sheikh Hasina. What was supposed to have been the end of an era turned into another grand performance.

The transitional government had wanted to send both the former prime ministers, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, into political exile. The two arch-enemies have alternated as head of government for the last sixteen years.

But the government lifted its ban on Sheikh Hasina's re-entry in Bangladesh. And her opponent Khaleda Zia never left the country. The reversal of policy has in fact worked in their favour, leading the "Daily Star" to print the headline "From Zero to Hero." The process of reform will now have to continue in spite of their presence.

The rivalry of two women

Parliamentary elections had been planned for January but they were cancelled after supporters of the rival camps fought in the streets and stones and fire-bombs were thrown. There were accusations of election manipulation and threats of a boycott; forged electoral lists were found.

On January 11th a state of emergency was declared. Since then the mood has been calm, people are breathing freely and there have been none of the bloody protests or general strikes which have long been a characteristic of Bangladeshi political culture. There is a sense of euphoria, and hope that something could at last change for the better.

​​"People want above all to liberate themselves from the old dynastic rule of the two ladies," says Professor Ataur Rahman, a political scientist at Dhaka University.

For years, the rivalry and mutual hatred of Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina have defined the politics of Bangladesh. They owe their power to the political dynasties they belong to. In a country with limited women's rights, that is the only way they could have reached their positions.

Khaleda Zia (61) heads the Bangladesh National Party (BNP). She is the widow of Ziaur Rahman, a general and a former president who was assassinated in 1981. After his death she was declared the party's leader.

Her opponent Sheikh Hasina (59) leads the Awami League (AL). She is the daughter of the man who led the country to independence and became its first prime minister, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He was killed in a military putsch in 1975 together with most of his family.

Fight against corruption

Both political camps are characterised by nepotism and corruption. In Transparency International's corruption perception index for 2006, Bangladesh came 156th out of 163 countries.

Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries in the world, and the state looks after its 140 million people badly. Around 40 percent live in poverty. In the country's many textile factories, young women work up to twelve hours a day, up to seven days a week, for 20 euros. Wages often remain unpaid; there is practically no labour legislation. Rape is often used as a method of intimidation.

​​Professor Rahman of Dhaka University says, "Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia have brought the people neither prosperity nor law and order. The new government comes with the hope for a new future for Bangladesh." The transitional government under the leadership of the economist Fakhruddin Ahmed will have to fulfil many hopes. It has made fighting corruption one of its main priorities.

About 150 politicians and businessmen have been arrested since January, among them some of the people behind the corruption, such as the eldest son of Khaleda Zia, who had been seen as his mother's likely political heir.

"The fight against corruption, especially 'political corruption,' will be the decisive challenge for the government," says Rahman. He says the justice system needs to be depoliticised and made more efficient.

But Rahman warns, "If those arrested do not come to trial promptly and there are unreasonable delays, the situation could turn, and that would be a catastrophic setback for the current situation of law and order."

Doubts about the military

The transitional government has not only to keep its promise to end the evil of corruption, it has also announced free and open elections for 2008. That will be the litmus test as to whether it will maintain the principles of democracy. So far, it enjoys the trust of the military, which was responsible for imposing the state of emergency in January.

But there was mistrust as the chief of the army said that "elective democracy" was inappropriate for an unstable country like Bangladesh. Bangladesh has already had several military dictatorships between 1975 and 1990.

Nowadays, the Bangladeshi army provides 30,000 UN blue-helmet peace-keepers, who make up the world's largest UN contingent. That has led to increased influence and higher pay for the generals. But if they are not to damage their reputation, they will have to show the strength of their commitment to democracy.

Islamists on the rise

The new government will also have to deal with the increased Islamisation of Bangladesh. The fundamentalist Jamaat-e-Islami was part of the last government led by Khaleda Zia and her BNP.

The Jamaat-e-Islami presents itself as a "moral alternative" to the prevalence of corruption and increasing poverty. Religious terrorist groups are also winning support, with extreme poverty providing a suitable breeding ground.

The most recent incident was when three bombs went off simultaneously in different railway stations on May 1st. The bombs were directed at the Muslim Ahmadiyya sect who are seen by extremists as "un-Islamic."

Withdrawal of Bangladesh's Nobel peace prize winner

But without the support of the political camps of the BNP and the AL the reform process in Bangladesh has little chance. Muhammad Yunus, winner of the Nobel peace prize for his work developing the concept of micro-finance, became aware of that when he founded the new "Citizen Power" party in February, to great acclaim from home and abroad.

​​But he was unable to win enough practical support. The people seemed ready for a new beginning, but the political class were not. "With whom should I set up a strong team?" asked Yunus on his website. Last week, with regrets, he withdrew from his political involvement.

Rahman too sees the need to get everyone into one boat. "As a result of the challenges and the necessity of new policies, the current transitional government will develop and could become an expanded government which will unite the most important political forces until the elections in 2008," he says.

At the end of April, the blogger AsifY wrote in a weblog run by young Bangladeshis, "It's not because the military has intervened that democracy has collapsed, but because the 'democratic actors' have torn it down."

It is not yet clear what role the two political figureheads, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, will play in the future. On Monday Sheikh Hasina's supporters took to the streets and housetops to cheer her on her way to her home in the centre of Dhaka. She has now demanded that the transitional government lay its plans for reform on the table.

The transitional government now has to fulfil its promise of democracy. The fight against corruption should not lead to a new "self-service system."

Sonja Ernst

© Qantara.de 2007

Translated from the German by Michael Lawton

Qantara.de

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