Far Away, So Close

Yemen was divided for a very long time – with the north characterized by Islam and tribal structures, while socialism reigned in the south. In 2010, Yemenis, just like the Germans, celebrate 20 years of reunification. Klaus Heymach reports

Yemeni men and children standing in line, waiting for food rations to be distributed(photo: AP)
Twenty years afters Yemeni unification, people in the south perceive unfair treatment by the north. Poverty is one of the major problems in the only republic in the region

​​"Almanya-Yemen, same-same," said the raisin seller in Sanaa's old city market. "Germany and Yemen are the same," he repeats and to illustrate, he rubs his outstretched index fingers together. What do the poorest Arab country and one of the most prosperous states in the West have in common?

"Unification," explains the old man in his ankle-length white robe, supporting himself on the hilt of his curved dagger. He grins and repeats, "Same-same."

In fact, not only the Germans celebrated unification in 1990. On 22 May, just four-and-a-half months earlier than the Germans, North Yemen, ruled by conservative tribes, and the socialist South Yemen united to form what is still the only republic in the region. For the first time in the history of Yemen, a common state arose in the southwest of the Arabian Peninsula. And as in Germany, one part of the country proved economically and politically overpowering – with three-quarters of the total population, its system and values have spread over the entire country in the intervening years.

Foreign to this day

The north was ruled into the early 1960s by a Shiite imam, while the British ruled the south with its port city of Aden. In 1962, the Imamate in the north became the Yemenite Arabic Republic. Five years later, the British crown colony in the south achieved its independence, becoming a socialist people's republic under the influence of the Soviet Union.

Yemeni soldiers during a 2009 parade (photo: AP)
The armed forces of the Yemen Arab Republic and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen were officially merged in May 1990, but in May 1994 civil war broke out between the forces of the two former states, culminating in victory for the North

​​

Many well-educated and broad-minded south Yemenis find the north, a society ruled by conservative tribes, as foreign to this day. Aden and Sanaa developed along completely different lines, says Kamal Makrami. The country is indeed unified, but there are still barriers between the peoples, explains Makrami.

Everyone talks about unification

At least there was no death strip or "shoot to kill" orders on the border between the two states, says Martin Weiss, who headed the German Technical Cooperation office (GTZ) in Sanaa before unification. "The border was more open than in Germany. There was also a greater feeling here that people wanted to be unified." During the traditional afternoon qat chewing sessions, talk would inevitably turn to unification, recalls Weiss. "But I had the feeling that no one really believed it would happen. The Yemenis were just as surprised as we were in Germany."

For decades, the goal of unification was enshrined in the constitutions of both Yemeni states. Negotiations, however, always ended in border skirmishes. Only when the Soviet Union was nearing its collapse and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen was bankrupt did changes rapidly take place. In May 1990, Ali Abdallah Saleh, the President of North Yemen, declared the new republic with himself at its head and the Secretary General of the Socialist Party as his deputy.

Unification assistance from Yemen?

It was at this moment when Saleh, who still holds the office of president, offered the Germans help with their reunification. The governments in Bonn and Berlin did not take up the offer, although the Yemeni unification project sounded promising. Politicians from the north and south wanted to jointly build a democracy along Western lines. Within a short span of time, two single-party states were transformed into one country with dozens of parties and newspapers.

Sanaa's old city market (photo: AP)
Sanaa's old city market: the Islamic and traditional north is still foreign to many south Yemenis

​​

Yet, the equal status of north and south has long been a thing of the past. The first free elections in 1993 already highlighted mistrust in the grand coalition. When the Socialists then called out for secession, Saleh's soldiers marched into Aden, plundered the city, and destroyed the only brewery on the peninsula. "South Yemen was taken over in much more brutal manner than was the case in Germany," says Weiss. "This quickly led to disillusionment, as almost all of the important posts in the state administration were suddenly controlled by northerners."

"We have taken many steps backwards," says Makrami. "It is not that the old political system was good, but today's isn't either." The south has had to give up many social achievements. "Men and women used to be equal," says Makrami about life under socialism. "Women didn't have to walk around covered up like tents."

Klaus Heymach

© Qantara.de 2010

Translated from the German by Aingeal Flanagan

Editor: Lewis Gropp/Qantara.de

Qantara.de

Civil War in Yemen
An Uncertain Peace
Civil war has been waged in Yemen for years, largely unnoticed by the world community. In the northern Yemeni province of Saada, Zaidi Houthi rebels fight against government military forces. The conflict increasingly seems to be turning into a proxy war over regional supremacy, however. By Hanna Labonté

Al-Qaeda in Yemen
Renaissance of Terror
Yemen has recently become a haven for al-Qaeda. Yet a few years ago the organisation had seemingly petered out, the leaders of the old guard either in prison or dead. Albrecht Metzger has background details

Militant Islamism in Yemen
Rescuing the State from Itself
Yemen is increasingly seen as a nascent failed state and potential replacement host for Al Qaeda. But if the West looks beyond terrorism to the root causes of the problem, Yemen need not become another safe haven for terrorists. A commentary by Mai Yamani