Although confined to a wheelchair and more or less unable to speak or move since suffering a stroke in 2013, Bouteflika had himself confirmed in office a year later. The state apparatus conducted the election campaign on his behalf. From this moment on, his own presence was restricted to a large portrait showing the old man in better times and representing him at official events – a major humiliation for the 40 million Algerians.
To appease the first signs of any discontent within the populace, the regime pledged a new constitution, one that could hold its own with the world's most democratic constitutions. Far-reaching political, economic and social reforms were to be hammered out by a national conference. But Bouteflika remained true to form and broke his promise yet again.
Although Bouteflika was evidently weakened, his clan – a band of politicians and businessmen most of whom hail from the Algerian-Moroccan border region – succeeded in gaining the upper hand in a power struggle that had been smouldering for years. Counting on the support of the Chief of Staff Ahmed Gaid Salah, appointed to his role by Bouteflika himself, they dismissed the notoriously omnipotent intelligence service chief Mohamed Mediene in 2014 and sidelined his allies within the state apparatus and commerce.
Unexpected glimmer of hope
The constitution was indeed amended in 2016. But instead of the promised democratisation, the powers of the President were extended. Frustration began to set in among his opponents.
Bouteflika's clan felt so secure that it forced his candidacy for a fifth term. Critics were detained; there were attempts to keep the populace in check through references to the civil wars in Syria and Libya and the nation's own civil war in the 1990s. But it is on this decisive point that the rulers misjudged the people.
Since 22 February 2019 – even in the capital Algiers where public assembly is prohibited – hundreds of thousands of people have joined protests nationwide, demanding the withdrawal of Bouteflika's candidacy. When the regime dug in its heels and threatened civil war, some 20 million people demonstrated against the decision and called for the dismissal of the entire regime on the two days following.
The demonstrations are very well-organised and pass off peacefully. The atmosphere is like that of a carnival. All population groups march side by side, holding placards aloft with slogans associated with movements to which the government otherwise ascribes irreconcilable hostility.
In view of this harmony and the unprecedented masses involved, the regime has attempted to manoeuvre and play for time. Beginning with the withdrawal of Bouteflika's candidacy, via the promise to hold a vote on a new constitution, right through to the announcement that the possibility of Bouteflika's constitutional removal would be looked into, all of the regime's manoeuvres have been met with collective rejection.
The protest movement even refuses to name leaders to negotiate with the regime, because they do not view it as a viable partner.
Algeria is surprising the world with a very switched-on and self-assured civil society that has learnt from its own experiences and those of other Arab nations. And these experiences show that the old-established regimes cannot be trusted. Only once the current system has been disempowered, are Algerians planning to appoint a number of figures known for their integrity to lead the transitional phase, during which a second republic will be founded, one that will at last be democratic. Thus far, this strategy would appear to be paying off astonishingly well.
© Qantara.de 2013
Translated from the German by Nina Coon