Pakistan's greatest defeat remains taboo

In 1971, Bangladesh seceded from Pakistan after a bloody civil war to become independent. But the events of that time are still largely taboo today. A reappraisal of this central chapter in Pakistan's history has yet to take place. Analysis by Mohammad Luqman

By Mohammad Luqman

"So much affection – and yet we are mere strangers to you today. How many encounters will it take for us to be comrades again?" These are the opening lines of the oft-sung melancholy poem by celebrated Pakistani poet Faiz Ahmad Faiz. In 1974, Faiz visited the capital Dhaka for the first time since the civil war. His impressions and the trauma of the war that resulted in Bangladesh's secession and independence inspired him to write these lines.

On 16 December 1971, Pakistani General Abdullah Khan Niazi signed the capitulation live on camera, transferring nearly 90,000 Pakistani soldiers into Indian captivity. At the end of 2021, Bangladesh celebrates the 50th anniversary of its independence. What the Bengalis consider the birth of their nation represents for Pakistan the greatest military defeat in its history. Beyond the nationalist narrative of both states and the dispute over the actual number of civilian casualties, the human tragedy of this era has scarecely been addressed. In Pakistan, the subject remains taboo to this day.

The forced cancellation of a conference organised by the renowned Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) in March 2021, which aimed to take a critical look at what happened, is typical. Just a few days after the event was officially announced, the university mysteriously called off the academic event.

Resistance in East Pakistan against national language Urdu

 

Pakistan emerged as a nation state of Indian Muslims after the partition of British India in 1947. Provinces with a majority Muslim population were combined to form the new state of Pakistan. Since East Bengal was predominantly Muslim, it now became part of Pakistani territory, despite being almost 1500 kilometres away from the western part of the country. There was no land connection between the two territories. Moreover, East Bengal was the most populous region of the new state and was ethnically Bengali. Against this background, the central government in Karachi called for unity between the two sections of the country.

"Father of the Bangladesh nation" Mujibur Rahman at a rally (photo: Michel Laurent/AP/picture-alliance)
Mujibur Rahman at a rally with his supporters: the charismatic politician is widely regarded in Bangladesh as the "father of the nation". However, the birth of the new state was marked by a bloody civil war. On 26 March 1971, Rahman proclaimed the country's independence from Pakistan. Thereupon, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces in what was then East Pakistan gave the unspeakable order for Operation Search Light. It marked the beginning of the civil war, which is believed to have cost the lives of up to three million people. Rahman himself was assassinated in a military coup four years after independence

Initially, the idea of a single national language, Urdu, seemed the obvious means of achieving national unity. What the predominantly West Pakistani politicians in central government did not reckon with, however, was the strong resistance in East Pakistan to such a project. By adopting the idea of a single national language, the Bengalis feared the loss of their mother tongue and identity. In 1952, students demonstrated in Dhaka against the unpopular policy. A crackdown by the security forces resulted in student fatalities and injuries and there was rioting across the province.

Although Bengali would be recognised as an official national language a few years later, the unfortunate handling of the controversy had already laid the foundation for East Bengal's disaffection with Pakistan.

The new Awami League party that emerged in the wake of this dispute won an absolute majority in East Bengal during the 1954 elections and now formed the new provincial government. Tensions with central government remained high as the region demanded more autonomy and parity regarding government expenditure. At the end of 1954, Karachi dissolved the provincial government in East Bengal and imprisoned Awami League members on charges of treason.

A plot by India?

 

Over the next few years repressive rule by successive central governments only increased the resentment felt by those in East Pakistan. In 1966, the charismatic Mujibur Rahman (1920-1975) became party chairman of the Awami League and proposed far-reaching autonomy for East Pakistan in a so-called six-point plan. In the new capital Islamabad, the military government saw the plan as an attempt at de facto secession by the eastern province and some even suspected an Indian plot to divide Pakistan.

This was probably not entirely unjustified. As India's top diplomat Sashanka S. Banerjee confirmed in an article in 2020, Mujibur Rahman had already asked New Delhi to support independence for East Pakistan in 1962. By his own admission, Rahman developed the idea for an independent Bangladesh as early as 1958.

The parliamentary elections of 1970 swept Mujibur Rahman's party back into power in East Pakistan with an absolute majority; it also topped the league table of national results, making it the strongest political force in Pakistan. The military dictatorship under General Yahya Khan (1969-1971) was initially reluctant to grant Rahman any mandate to govern and pressured Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which had won in West Pakistan, to negotiate with Rahman on the formation of a unity government.Although, according to several negotiators, most of the Awami League's demands were accepted, the party's leaders had apparently already decided in favour of independence, and negotiations broke down.

Bangladesh, textile factory in Dhaka (photo: Getty Images/AFP/M. uz Zahman)
Today, Bangladesh is world-famous for its textile sector: the country is the world's number two garment producer after China. Despite all the problems with low wages and inadequate labour standards, the sector has created many jobs, especially for women from rural areas of Bangladesh. In terms of poverty reduction, life expectancy and birth control, the country is now better off than its neighbours India and Pakistan

 

Operation Search Light: prelude to civil war

 

Parallel to the official negotiations, Pakistan's generals had been making plans in secret to suppress the Bengali opposition by force. When the official negotiations failed, Mujibur Rahman announced Bangladesh's independence on 26 March 1971, whereupon the commander-in-chief of the armed forces in East Pakistan gave the horrific order for Operation Search Light, which was the prelude to civil war.

What followed is one of the darkest chapters in Pakistan's history. In East Bengal, hundreds of thousands became victims of torture, execution, rape and displacement. As well as the soldiers, Islamist militias also actively participated in the atrocities.

The American consul in Dhaka, Archer Blood, wrote to Washington in a dramatic appeal: "Here in Dacca we are mute and horrified witnesses to a reign of terror by the PAK military. Evidence continues to mount that the Martial Law Authorities have a list of Awami League supporters whom they are systematically eliminating by seeking them out in their homes and shooting them down."

In other telegrams, diplomats documented systematic massacres and expulsions. Their appeals to their own government to stop the violence fell on deaf ears in Washington. Kissinger reprimanded the diplomats and recalled Blood. For Washington, strategic relations with the Pakistani establishment were more important than the civilian casualties of the war.

Armed East Pakistani fighters head for the combat zone in Pediac, Jessore, East Pakistan on 2 April 1971 (photo: AP/picture-alliance)
East Pakistani fighters on their way to the frontline in 1971: atrocities took place on both sides in the civil war between Pakistan and what was then East Pakistan (later Bangladesh). "A reappraisal of the events of the civil war has largely failed to take place in Pakistan," writes Mohammed Luqman. "The Hamoodur Rahman Commission, set up by President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto at the end of 1971, did submit a comprehensive report documenting war crimes and identifying those responsible, but the bulk of the report – even after almost 50 years – remains under wraps. Not until 2000 did parts of the report reach the press. In Pakistan, no one responsible has been held seriously accountable or punished"

On the other hand, India armed and trained Mujibur Rahman's militia, the Mukhti Bahini, to carry out attacks and acts of sabotage against the Pakistani military. In a futile attempt to stop India from interfering further in the civil war, the Pakistan Air Force flew a surprise attack on India's western border in early December 1971. Islamabad's military strategists thereby hoped to reduce the pressure on the eastern front.

But the escalation resulted in an official declaration of war and the invasion of East Pakistan by Indian troops. Only a few weeks later, Pakistani General Niazi signed his country's surrender in Dhaka. In their flush of victory, members of the Mukhti Bahini militia now took action against actual and alleged collaborators of the Pakistani army. Acts of revenge, extrajudicial executions and expulsions were the result. This was particularly felt by the Urdu-speaking Bihari minority, which is still strongly discriminated against in Bangladesh today.

No coming to terms in sight

 

Pakistan has largely failed to come to terms with the events of the civil war. The Hamoodur Rahman Commission, set up by President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto at the end of 1971, presented a comprehensive report documenting war crimes and identifying those responsible, but the bulk of the report – even after almost 50 years – remains under wraps. Not until 2000 did parts of the report reach the press. In Pakistan, no one responsible has been held seriously accountable or punished.

Even General Niazi, whom all observers blame for the disaster, has never been held accountable for his role, except for a brief imprisonment and later dishonourable discharge from the military. It is perhaps an irony of fate that it was Pakistan's former military ruler Pervez Musharraf, of all people, who took the first step towards Bangladesh in 2002 when he officially commemorated the dead on both sides.

The fateful year of 1971 changed the course of Pakistan's history like none other, and yet the country has a hard time coming to terms with the past. An honest reappraisal of events, however, is essential to healing the traumas of that time.

Mohammad Luqman

© Qantara.de 2021

Mohammad Luqman is an Islamic scholar and South Asia expert with a special research focus on Pakistan.