"Hamas is not going to disappear"

How should Western leaders deal with Hamas?

Elgindy: They should first acknowledge the reality. Even after years of bombing in Gaza, despite the blockade and international boycott, Hamas still exists and it is not going to disappear. Even if they don't like Hamas, they need to find a way to deal with it on a political level. That does not mean supporting their ideology or their actions. But the political decision-makers must be clear that there can be no military, but only a political solution to the conflict. The West is simply hoping that Abbas will stay in power and that Fatah will continue to rule. But that is unrealistic at a time when Hamas is becoming increasingly popular.

How can the popularity of Hamas be explained?

Elgindy: I ​​don't believe the majority of the people in Gaza love Hamas, its ideology or its actions. The Hamas leaders are hardly democratic, they do not uphold human rights, and they are not good at governing. But the people are trapped, they need Hamas. Israel controls the Gaza Strip by sea, land, and air. Hamas is the only agency that provides services to the people and can, at least sometimes, enforce that border crossings are opened and goods are brought into the Gaza Strip. What's more, Hamas in particular benefits from the failures of Abbas and the Palestinian Authority.

In what ways?

Elgindy: The forced evictions from Palestinian homes, such as in Sheikh Jarrah in East Jerusalem, appear to leave the leadership in Ramallah cold. The ongoing construction of illegal settlements and the human rights violations of the Israeli army in the West Bank elicit no response. It has no vision on how to realise an independent Palestinian state. The peace process does not exist. From the point of view of many Palestinians, Hamas is therefore the only group that defends Palestinian interests. And that's a problem.

 

The feeling of being abandoned on all sides has probably increased for many people in Gaza since the last war.

Elgindy: The Gaza Strip was already considered uninhabitable, but the situation has deteriorated significantly since the bombings in May. A huge number of buildings were destroyed, so tens of thousands of people no longer have any accommodation. The infrastructure also took a major hit: there is hardly any electricity and hardly any water that people can safely drink. The health system has collapsed, which is very worrying, because the number of COVID-19 cases is currently rising massively in the Gaza Strip. The economy has been decimated. Since Hamas and Israel signed the ceasefire agreement, Israel has tightened import restrictions into the Gaza Strip. At the moment there is hardly any food or medicine coming in. I do not know what the Israeli leadership thinks it will achieve by putting such pressure on the Palestinians. If the goal was to drive Hamas out, that didn't work, nor has it weakened Hamas, on the contrary.

Did the war unite the Palestinians?

Elgindy: Absolutely. There has always been great solidarity in Gaza, Jerusalem and the West Bank when Palestinians were attacked in these areas. But in May there was also solidarity among Palestinians on the other side of the 1967 border. This time, many Palestinian residents in Israel also joined the anti-violence protests in Haifa, Jaffa and Nazareth. That had never happened before. It also shows that a generational shift is underway. Many younger Palestinians no longer cling to the two-state solution. They can also imagine a state shared with Israelis in which they would live as equal citizens.

Is such a scenario conceivable with the new Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, a right-wing hardliner?

Elgindy: Naftali Bennett is not interested in a two-state solution, or even a one-state solution based on equality between Israelis and Palestinians. He wants to maintain the status quo, which is de facto apartheid: the Palestinians have limited autonomy, but are under the full control of Israel. Bennet does not grant the Palestinians any rights. His government is in cooperation with extremists who are striving, for example, to place Jerusalem under purely Jewish control.

What's next for the Palestinians?

Elgindy: Whichever way you look at it, things are bleak for the Palestinians. They face oppression on all sides: in Gaza by Hamas, in the West Bank by the Palestinian Authority, and everywhere by the Israelis. In Israel, around 2,000 Palestinians have been arrested by the authorities since the escalation. The lines of conflict that led to the war in May are still there: evictions, the construction of settlements, the blockade in Gaza. As long as these problems are not resolved, the situation will remain on a knife-edge.

Interview conducted by Andrea Backhaus

© ZEIT ONLINE.de 2021

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