Cherry-picking for a distorted image of Islam
In the past, Islamic scholars referred to territories under Islamic rule as the "House of Islam". To this day, this rather flowery phrase remains popular among Western journalists and writers. The Dutch-born sociologist Ruud Koopmans, for example, uses it in the title of his book Het vervallen huis van de islam (literally, the derelict house of Islam), which has just been published in German translation, to underline the things that predominantly Muslim countries have in common.
Koopmans is certainly not the first writer in recent years to diagnose the decline of the "Islamic world": Bassam Tibi, Bernard Lewis, Dan Diner, Samuel Huntington, Hamed Abdel-Samad and most recently Thilo Sarrazin have all trodden this path before him. These writers all reached similar conclusions in their books, namely that the reason for this decline is above all the area's religion, Islam.
Most of these books were considered highly controversial by experts in the field owing to their crude, yet pithy theories. Nevertheless, they all attracted huge media attention, and many of them went on to be bestsellers. The theory that religion is the main reason for the decline of the Islamic world is very popular in the West, among other things because it absolves the West of any share of the responsibility for the prevailing plight.
But is the image of a "derelict house" even accurate? After all, in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, skyscrapers are springing up like mushrooms after the rain. Arab sheikhs are using their petro-billions to buy football clubs in the West and to renovate old mosques in the Balkans or build new mega-mosques around the world. It is also inaccurate to talk of decline or dilapidation with regard to Turkey, Indonesia or Malaysia, at least in economic terms.
Koopmans is undoubtedly right that many predominantly Muslim states are in a deplorable state in terms of democracy and human rights. And he is undoubtedly right to conclude that the rise of a fundamentalist form of Islam in recent decades has not made things any better in this respect.
The fact that state and religion are not separated and the exploitation of Islam to political ends have instead made matters worse, especially for women, religious minorities and homosexuals, restricting civil liberties.
Koopmans also writes that petro-billions from the Gulf have helped spread a fundamentalist version of Islam. It would have been more interesting had he examined which other factors facilitate the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and which contain it.
But Koopmans writes as if this development over recent decades is a phenomenon that can be considered in isolation from events in the rest of the world and world politics. A development that is purely intrinsic, to be explained solely on the basis of religion.
According to this theory, Islamic fundamentalism has been able to flourish because Islam is by nature fundamentalist. This sounds self-explanatory, but it is a pretty simplistic explanation for a sociologist to put forward.
Islamist or Islamic? A lack of differentiation
Although Koopmans writes in his introduction that he is well able to differentiate between traditional Islam and modern fundamentalism, the brushstrokes he uses in the book get increasingly broader as the book progresses. He refers to states such as Senegal and Tunisia, which have secular constitutions, as "Islamic democracies".
He also uses the sweeping terms "Islamic democratic deficit" and "Islamic anti-Semitism" without ever actually illuminating in any detail the role of religion in either. Moreover, when he writes about militant Islamists, he calls them "Islamic insurgents" or "Islamic groups". Such a lack of subtle differentiation is quite disturbing.
In the subtitle of the German translation of his book (Die religiösen Ursachen von Unfreiheit, Stagnation und Gewalt), Koopmans claims that there are "religious causes" for the "stagnation, violence and lack of freedom". Yet nowhere in the book does he explain what, in his opinion, separates the legitimate religious conservative interpretation of Islam from the fundamentalist interpretations.
Instead, he compares Islam with communism, and the gender attitudes of conservative Muslims with the South-African apartheid system. When Koopmans controversially uses the term "real Islam", it seems as if he considers Islam as a whole to be a political ideology rather than a world religion.