At first glance, the key factors in determining whether or not someone can be said to be German are cited as having German citizenship at almost 80 percent, as well as the ability to speak German at almost 97 percent. Both inclusive factors, which also make it possible for people with a migration background to be German and be regarded as Germans. But at the same time, these come with other exclusive and racist-discriminatory criteria such as "being able to speak German without an accent" at almost 41 percent, "renouncing the headscarf" at almost 38 percent and "having German ancestors" – a statement with which 37 percent of respondents agreed.
This excludes all those people in Germany from being German who either haven't acquired German as their mother tongue, or who wear a Muslim head covering, or who are not descended from German parents. Just fulfilling one of these criteria is enough to not be considered German – even if one has had German citizenship from birth.
No religious freedom for Muslims?
The disastrous extent of this exclusion is illustrated by the example of devout Muslims who wear headscarves. They are, as the authors of the study write, "defined as outside of the national narrative and thereby also outside of the collective identity […], regardless of whether they were born here, whether they have German citizenship, speak German or perhaps even have German ancestors – something that is possible in the case of women who have converted, but also in the case of the children of converts."
The extent of this exclusion is brought into particularly sharp focus when regarding access to the labour market. For example, the study "Diskriminierung am Ausbildungsmarkt" (Discrimination on the Apprenticeship Market) by the Expert Council of German Foundations on Integration and Migration, shows how people with the same qualifications are disadvantaged if they have a Turkish name.
It found that the candidate with the German name has to make job five applications on average, while his fellow applicant with a Turkish name has to write an average of seven. The excluding effect becomes even more apparent in the case of female applicants with German names or with Turkish names and a headscarf, as Doris Weichselbaumer was able to show in her study "Discrimination Against Female Migrants Wearing Headscarves". The study reveals, en passant, how difficult it is for German majority society to deal with Muslim citizens in its midst: in order to receive an invitation to an interview, the female applicant with a Turkish name and a headscarf has to write almost five times as many applications as the female applicant with a German name.
This unnecessarily hampers social participation for many people in Germany on the basis of their migration background, indeed, in some areas it is even made impossible. There are cases such as that of the young Muslim lawyer from Bavaria, whom the Free State banned from working in court during her traineeship, because she wanted to wear her headscarf. The woman successfully appealed against this ban. A decision that the Bavarian justice ministry does not however want to accept, as Justice Minister Winfried Bausback (CSU) emphasises: "we can't let the ruling stand like that." Bavarians can't let it stand that religious freedom also applies to Muslims? The extreme right, for which Muslims only represent a danger and a foreign body, will rejoice.
The consequences of social exclusion, even more so when they are experienced as inevitable and irrevocable, can have a calamitous effect on social co-existence, as the French sociologist Farhad Khosrokhavar shows in his study "Radicalisation". Conversely – and this is also something that can be gleaned from Khosrokhavar's investigation – the facilitation of social participation is an effective tool against radicalisation.
Germany is a country of immigration – now in the second and soon in the third generation. Clinging to an out-dated and mythical understanding of what it means to be German not only adds grist to the right-wing populists′ mill, it also endangers social cohesion.
© Qantara.de 2017
Translated from the German by Nina Coon
Andreas Bock is professor of political science at the Akkon University for Applied Sciences in Berlin and visiting lecturer in international politics and conflict analysis at the University of Augsburg. His research focuses on terrorism, racism and political psychology.