Rahul Gandhi marches for unity

From 7 September 2022 to 30 January 2023, the anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi's death, Rahul Gandhi walked 4,000 km through 12 states, 75 districts and 2 union territories from the south of India to the contested north, demonstrating against the government’s divisive policies and rhetoric under Narendra Modi and his Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

From September 2022 to January 2023, Rahul Gandhi walked the length of India to demonstrate against Narendra Modi and the BJP's divisive policies and rhetoric. Sentenced to two years for 'Modi' defamation on 24 March, Gandhi has now been stripped of his parliamentary mandate. Sonja Hegasy met with political observer S. M. Faizan Ahmed, who joined the Bharat Jodo Yatra in Delhi

By Sonja Hegasy

Mr Faizan Ahmed, what did you experience when you met up with the Bharat Jodo Yatra (March for Unity) in Delhi in December 2022?

Faizan Ahmed: Over the 4.000 km, people joined Rahul Gandhi, walked with him over shorter and longer distances, and attended his increasingly popular rallies. I joined the BJY early in the morning to walk from Jasola Apollo to the Red Fort in Delhi. The number of people participating in the march was much higher than I had expected. People of all classes were visible on the march.

Hundreds of lawyers in uniform stood flanking both sides of the road from the Supreme Court to the Income Tax Office (a popular Delhi landmark) to welcome the Yatra. Women were dancing to drum beats, youth were continuously shouting slogans and dancing to the tunes of songs played on loudspeakers, older people seemed determined to carry on, and even some differently-abled participants were also seen marching. The entire atmosphere on the road was festive.

How significant was Rahul Gandhi's march at this juncture?

Faizan Ahmed: The march came at a time when the government's anti-Muslim and divisive policies have begun to cost lives. Narendra Modi is extremely popular among his constituency, while the opposition remains as divided as ever. The march put Rahul Gandhi back in the political arena. The media has been used to portraying him as a dynastic prince who lacks the necessary stamina.

Now, people are giving him credit for engaging with the whole spectrum of society through the march. This is also why even now, despite the march being over, the "BJP still can’t get over" it. On 19 March, police visited Rahul Gandhi's residence to question him about women who approached him during the march with requests that he look into issues of rape and sexual harassment.

Women attend the Bharat Jodo Yatra march (image: Faizan Ahmed) — India's disenfranchised minorities: thanks to the BJP's parliamentary majority, there is not a single MP from the Muslim community in government. Under this regime, Muslims have witnessed how their houses and shops can be bulldozed without a court order. Police can barge into Muslim houses at night, in some instances without female officers in attendance, and their houses can be ransacked without legal notice. In Uttar Pradesh, we have seen how Muslim protestors can be shot at or arrested by the police

From 'Kanyakumari to Kashmir'

Was the march merely a PR stunt or is there more to it than that?

Faizan Ahmed: The route from 'Kanyakumari to Kashmir' is the longest in India and is often cited as a ready reference in the national imagination. The march was managed by committed party workers who went through health checks and screenings in advance to be able to take part in the Yatra in its entirety. Four thousand kilometres demands considerably more physical effort and careful management than a mere PR stunt. Many observers did not think Rahul Gandhi would carry it off, but then, several weeks in, the march began to gain momentum.

Has the BJY had an impact on national politics? Has it stirred up the population?

Faizan Ahmed: The BJY has cemented Rahul Gandhi's image as a doer. What's more, it has given a vital boost to Congress party workers, supporters, fence-sitters and silent observers. Massive turnouts throughout the Yatra have raised confidence levels among other opposition forces and the general public, signalling genuine anti-BJP churn. The march has raised the expectations of Congress members, triggering an appetite for more creative campaigns at grassroots levels in the lead-up to the next election. Obviously, the opposition wants to avoid a third victory by Narendra Modi's BJP.

Talking about minorities, and Indian Muslims being the largest minority in the country, what has changed for them under the BJP regime? How do you view the plight of Muslims and the future of minorities?

Faizan Ahmed: Currently, thanks to the BJP's parliamentary majority, there is not a single MP from the Muslim community in government. Under this regime, Muslims have witnessed how their houses and shops can be bulldozed without a court order. Police can barge into Muslim houses at night, in some instances without female officers in attendance, and their houses can be ransacked without legal notice. In Uttar Pradesh, we have seen how Muslim protestors can be shot at or arrested by the police.

Social anthropologist and political observer S. M. Faizan Ahmed (image: private) — Lifting opposition morale: "The Bharat Jodo Yatra has given a vital boost to Congress party workers, supporters, fence-sitters and silent observers. Massive turnouts throughout the Yatra have raised confidence levels among other opposition forces and the general public, signalling genuine anti-BJP churn," says social anthropologist and political observer S. M. Faizan Ahmed. "The march has raised the expectations of Congress members, triggering an appetite for more creative campaigns at grassroots levels in the lead-up to the next election"

Muslims are also aware that India's minorities commissions are powerless. Today, any Muslim-looking person can fall prey to a lynch mob anywhere in India. Minorities in India are well aware of these developments. After all, there have been countless attacks on their festivals, sacred structures, monuments and localities. The organs of state rarely come clean on issues of impartiality and justice, as they are often being manipulated by the ruling regime.

Personality politics

Who has been with the march since the outset in October 2022 and do you believe there are any sympathisers within the ruling BJP?

Faizan Ahmed: Besides civil society activists and party members, it was mostly India's general public that joined the march in each state. The BJP never underestimated the march, but when it was nearing the capital Delhi, they became nervous. No BJP politician came out in support of Rahul Gandhi's demands for less hate speech; on the contrary, the BJP media actively pursued an anti-BJY propaganda campaign aimed at tarnishing Rahul Gandhi's image.

Can you elaborate upon the transformation India has gone through since the advent of the Hindu-nationalist BJP in 2014? How has the culture of politics and the culture of protests changed?

Faizan Ahmed: Once upon a time, every political party had a cadre of leading politicians, all of whom were equally important. Now, almost all political parties appear to have assumed a centralised command structure, where you associate a party with one particular individual. This is a worrying sign, as it clearly suggests absolute power. As for the culture of protests, the number of those protesting about ethical issues and for ideological reasons is in steady decline. Large-scale protests are only visible when the government's policies hit certain segments of the population hard and in sizeable numbers.

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What does the Congress Party need to do to have a fighting chance at the next parliamentary elections in May 2024?

Faizan Ahmed: Congress needs an organisational overhaul. Young people need to be encouraged to join in and spearhead their own programmes. The party should completely shun the culture of tokenism. Rather than orators capable of stirring up a crowd, the party needs sincere, dedicated members with a genuine connection to their constituencies who are thus likely to draw more votes. Congress also needs to emphasise the secular nature of India as an important pillar of its national identity. In doing so, it would become a viable alternative for all those from across the political spectrum who reject the idea of a religious state. Ultimately, however, only an opposition in unity will bring about political change in 2024.

How do you see the future of India in decades to come?

Faizan Ahmed: I am an optimist. It's not for me to paint a bleak picture of the future based on the current sense of prevailing gloom. People's faith in representative processes and justice delivery mechanisms needs to be restored. Saner sections of society feel helpless amidst the media frenzy, while India's composite culture has gone completely haywire. Sooner or later, the BJP fad will wither away. That said, the next non-BJP government will have a Herculean task when it comes to undoing the damage done by the BJP government and correcting the course of democracy in India.

Interview conducted by Sonja Hegasy